Religion & Public Life
America’s Changing Religious Landscape
Christians Decline Sharply as Share of Population; Unaffiliated and Other Faiths Continue to Grow
The
Christian share of the U.S. population is declining, while the number
of U.S. adults who do not identify with any organized religion is
growing, according to an extensive new survey by the Pew Research
Center. Moreover, these changes are taking place across the religious
landscape, affecting all regions of the country and many demographic
groups. While the drop in Christian affiliation is particularly
pronounced among young adults, it is occurring among Americans of all
ages. The same trends are seen among whites, blacks and Latinos; among
both college graduates and adults with only a high school education; and
among women as well as men. (Explore the data with our interactive database tool.)
To be sure, the United States remains home
to more Christians than any other country in the world, and a large
majority of Americans – roughly seven-in-ten – continue to identify with
some branch of the Christian faith.1 But
the major new survey of more than 35,000 Americans by the Pew Research
Center finds that the percentage of adults (ages 18 and older) who
describe themselves as Christians has dropped by nearly eight percentage
points in just seven years, from 78.4% in an equally massive Pew
Research survey in 2007 to 70.6% in 2014. Over the same period, the
percentage of Americans who are religiously unaffiliated – describing
themselves as atheist, agnostic or “nothing in particular” – has jumped
more than six points, from 16.1% to 22.8%. And the share of Americans
who identify with non-Christian faiths also has inched up, rising 1.2
percentage points, from 4.7% in 2007 to 5.9% in 2014. Growth has been
especially great among Muslims and Hindus, albeit from a very low base.
The
drop in the Christian share of the population has been driven mainly by
declines among mainline Protestants and Catholics. Each of those large
religious traditions has shrunk by approximately three percentage points
since 2007. The evangelical Protestant share of the U.S. population
also has dipped, but at a slower rate, falling by about one percentage
point since 2007.2
Even as their numbers decline,
American Christians – like the U.S. population as a whole – are becoming
more racially and ethnically diverse. Non-Hispanic whites now account
for smaller shares of evangelical Protestants, mainline Protestants and
Catholics than they did seven years earlier, while Hispanics have grown
as a share of all three religious groups. Racial and ethnic minorities
now make up 41% of Catholics (up from 35% in 2007), 24% of evangelical
Protestants (up from 19%) and 14% of mainline Protestants (up from 9%).
Religious intermarriage also appears to be
on the rise: Among Americans who have gotten married since 2010, nearly
four-in-ten (39%) report that they are in religiously mixed marriages,
compared with 19% among those who got married before 1960.3 The
rise in intermarriage appears to be linked with the growth of the
religiously unaffiliated population. Nearly one-in-five people surveyed
who got married since 2010 are either religiously unaffiliated
respondents who married a Christian spouse or Christians who married an
unaffiliated spouse. By contrast, just 5% of people who got married
before 1960 fit this profile.
While many U.S. religious groups are aging, the unaffiliated are comparatively young – and getting younger,
on average, over time. As a rising cohort of highly unaffiliated
Millennials reaches adulthood, the median age of unaffiliated adults has
dropped to 36, down from 38 in 2007 and far lower than the general
(adult) population’s median age of 46.4 By
contrast, the median age of mainline Protestant adults in the new
survey is 52 (up from 50 in 2007), and the median age of Catholic adults
is 49 (up from 45 seven years earlier).
These are among the key findings of the
Pew Research Center’s second U.S. Religious Landscape Study, a follow-up
to its first comprehensive study of religion in America, conducted in
2007.
Because the U.S. census does not ask
Americans about their religion, there are no official government
statistics on the religious composition of the U.S. public.5 Some
Christian denominations and other religious bodies keep their own
rolls, but they use widely differing criteria for membership and
sometimes do not remove members who have fallen away.6 Surveys
of the general public frequently include a few questions about
religious affiliation, but they typically do not interview enough
people, or ask sufficiently detailed questions, to be able to describe
the country’s full religious landscape.
The Religious Landscape Studies were
designed to fill the gap. Comparing two virtually identical surveys,
conducted seven years apart, can bring important trends into sharp
relief. In addition, the very large samples in both 2007 and 2014
included hundreds of interviews with people from small religious groups
that account for just 1% or 2% of the U.S. population, such as Mormons,
Episcopalians and Seventh-day Adventists. This makes it possible to
paint demographic and religious profiles of numerous denominations that
cannot be described by smaller surveys. The most recent Religious
Landscape Study also was designed to obtain a minimum of 300 interviews
with respondents in each state and the District of Columbia as well as
to represent the country’s largest metropolitan areas, enabling an
assessment of the religious composition not just of the nation as a
whole, but also of individual states and localities. (See Appendix D.)
The latest survey was conducted in English
and Spanish among a nationally representative sample of 35,071 adults
interviewed by telephone, on both cellphones and landlines, from June
4-Sept. 30, 2014. Findings based on the full sample have a margin of
sampling error of plus or minus 0.6 percentage points. The survey is
estimated to cover 97% of the non-institutionalized U.S. adult
population; 3% of U.S. adults are not reachable by telephone or do not
speak English or Spanish well enough to participate in the survey. (See Appendix A
for more information on how the survey was conducted, margins of error
for subgroups analyzed in this report and additional details.)
Even a very small margin of error, when
applied to the hundreds of millions of people living in the United
States, can yield a wide range of estimates for the size of particular
faiths. Nevertheless, the results of the second Religious Landscape
Study indicate that Christians probably have lost ground, not only in
their relative share of the U.S. population, but also in absolute
numbers.
In 2007,
there were 227 million adults in the United States, and a little more
than 78% of them – or roughly 178 million – identified as Christians.
Between 2007 and 2014, the overall size of the U.S. adult population
grew by about 18 million people, to nearly 245 million.7 But
the share of adults who identify as Christians fell to just under 71%,
or approximately 173 million Americans, a net decline of about 5
million.
This decline is larger than the combined
margins of sampling error in the twin surveys conducted seven years
apart. Using the margins of error to calculate a probable range of
estimates, it appears that the number of Christian adults in the U.S.
has shrunk by somewhere between 2.8 million and 7.8 million.8
Of
the major subgroups within American Christianity, mainline
Protestantism – a tradition that includes the United Methodist Church,
the American Baptist Churches USA, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in
America, the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) and the Episcopal Church,
among others – appears to have experienced the greatest drop in absolute
numbers. In 2007, there were an estimated 41 million mainline
Protestant adults in the United States. As of 2014, there are roughly 36
million, a decline of 5 million – although, taking into account the
surveys’ combined margins of error, the number of mainline Protestants
may have fallen by as few as 3 million or as many as 7.3 million between
2007 and 2014.9
By
contrast, the size of the historically black Protestant tradition –
which includes the National Baptist Convention, the Church of God in
Christ, the African Methodist Episcopal Church, the Progressive Baptist
Convention and others – has remained relatively stable in recent years,
at nearly 16 million adults. And evangelical Protestants, while
declining slightly as a percentage of the U.S. public, probably have
grown in absolute numbers as the overall U.S. population has continued
to expand.
The
new survey indicates that churches in the evangelical Protestant
tradition – including the Southern Baptist Convention, the Assemblies of
God, Churches of Christ, the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod, the
Presbyterian Church in America, other evangelical denominations and many
nondenominational congregations – now have a total of about 62 million
adult adherents. That is an increase of roughly 2 million since 2007,
though once the margins of error are taken into account, it is possible
that the number of evangelicals may have risen by as many as 5 million
or remained essentially unchanged.10
Like
mainline Protestants, Catholics appear to be declining both as a
percentage of the population and in absolute numbers. The new survey
indicates there are about 51 million Catholic adults in the U.S. today,
roughly 3 million fewer than in 2007. But taking margins of error into
account, the decline in the number of Catholic adults could be as modest
as 1 million.11
And, unlike Protestants, who have been decreasing as a share of the
U.S. public for several decades, the Catholic share of the population
has been relatively stable over the long term, according to a variety of
other surveys (see Appendix C).
Meanwhile,
the number of religiously unaffiliated adults has increased by roughly
19 million since 2007. There are now approximately 56 million
religiously unaffiliated adults in the U.S., and this group – sometimes
called religious “nones” – is more numerous than either Catholics or
mainline Protestants, according to the new survey. Indeed, the
unaffiliated are now second in size only to evangelical Protestants
among major religious groups in the U.S.Factors Behind the Changes in Americans’ Religious Identification
One of the most important factors in the
declining share of Christians and the growth of the “nones” is
generational replacement. As the Millennial generation enters adulthood,
its members display much lower levels of religious affiliation,
including less connection with Christian churches, than older
generations. Fully 36% of young Millennials (those between the ages of
18 and 24) are religiously unaffiliated, as are 34% of older Millennials
(ages 25-33). And fewer than six-in-ten Millennials identify with any
branch of Christianity, compared with seven-in-ten or more among older
generations, including Baby Boomers and Gen-Xers. Just 16% of
Millennials are Catholic, and only 11% identify with mainline
Protestantism. Roughly one-in-five are evangelical Protestants.
However,
generational replacement is by no means the only reason that religious
“nones” are growing and Christians are declining. In addition, people in
older generations are increasingly disavowing association with
organized religion. About a third of older Millennials (adults currently
in their late 20s and early 30s) now say they have no religion, up nine
percentage points among this cohort since 2007, when the same group was
between ages 18 and 26. Nearly a quarter of Generation Xers now say
they have no particular religion or describe themselves as atheists or
agnostics, up four points in seven years. Baby Boomers also have become
slightly but noticeably more likely to identify as religious “nones” in
recent years.
As the shifting religious profiles of
these generational cohorts suggest, switching religion is a common
occurrence in the United States. If all Protestants were treated as a
single religious group, then fully 34% of American adults currently have
a religious identity different from the one in which they were raised.
This is up six points since 2007, when 28% of adults identified with a
religion different from their childhood faith. If switching among the
three Protestant traditions (e.g., from mainline Protestantism to the
evangelical tradition, or from evangelicalism to a historically black
Protestant denomination) is added to the total, then the share of
Americans who currently have a different religion than they did in
childhood rises to 42%.
By a wide margin, religious “nones” have
experienced larger gains through religious switching than any other
group. Nearly one-in-five U.S. adults (18%) were raised in a religious
faith and now identify with no religion. Some switching also has
occurred in the other direction: 9% of American adults say they were
raised with no religious affiliation, and almost half of them (4.3% of
all U.S. adults) now identify with some religion. But for every person
who has joined a religion after having been raised unaffiliated, there
are more than four people who have become religious “nones” after having
been raised in some religion. This 1:4 ratio is an important factor in
the growth of the unaffiliated population.
By
contrast, Christianity – and especially Catholicism – has been losing
more adherents through religious switching than it has been gaining.
More than 85% of American adults were raised Christian, but nearly a
quarter of those who were raised Christian no longer identify with
Christianity. Former Christians represent 19.2% of U.S. adults overall.
Both the mainline and historically black
Protestant traditions have lost more members than they have gained
through religious switching, but within Christianity the greatest net
losses, by far, have been experienced by Catholics. Nearly one-third of
American adults (31.7%) say they were raised Catholic. Among that group,
fully 41% no longer identify with Catholicism. This means that 12.9% of
American adults are former Catholics, while just 2% of U.S. adults have
converted to Catholicism from another religious tradition. No other
religious group in the survey has such a lopsided ratio of losses to
gains.
The evangelical Protestant tradition is
the only major Christian group in the survey that has gained more
members than it has lost through religious switching. Roughly 10% of
U.S. adults now identify with evangelical Protestantism after having
been raised in another tradition, which more than offsets the roughly 8%
of adults who were raised as evangelicals but have left for another
religious tradition or who no longer identify with any organized faith.
Other highlights in this report include:
- The Christian share of the population is declining and the religiously unaffiliated share is growing in all four major geographic regions of the country. Religious “nones” now constitute 19% of the adult population in the South (up from 13% in 2007), 22% of the population in the Midwest (up from 16%), 25% of the population in the Northeast (up from 16%) and 28% of the population in the West (up from 21%). In the West, the religiously unaffiliated are more numerous than Catholics (23%), evangelicals (22%) and every other religious group.
- Whites continue to be more likely than both blacks and Hispanics to identify as religiously unaffiliated; 24% of whites say they have no religion, compared with 20% of Hispanics and 18% of blacks. But the religiously unaffiliated have grown (and Christians have declined) as a share of the population within all three of these racial and ethnic groups.
- The percentage of college graduates who identify with Christianity has declined by nine percentage points since 2007 (from 73% to 64%). The Christian share of the population has declined by a similar amount among those with less than a college education (from 81% to 73%). Religious “nones” now constitute 24% of all college graduates (up from 17%) and 22% of those with less than a college degree (up from 16%).
- More than a quarter of men (27%) now describe themselves as religiously unaffiliated, up from 20% in 2007. Fewer women are religious “nones,” but the religiously unaffiliated are growing among women at about the same rate as among men. Nearly one-in-five women (19%) now describe themselves as religiously unaffiliated, up from 13% in 2007.
- Although it is low relative to other religious groups, the retention rate of the unaffiliated has increased. In the current survey, 53% of those raised as religiously unaffiliated still identify as “nones” in adulthood, up seven points since 2007. And among Millennials, “nones” actually have one of the highest retention rates of all the religious categories that are large enough to analyze in the survey.
- As the ranks of the religiously unaffiliated continue to grow, they also describe themselves in increasingly secular terms. In 2007, 25% of the “nones” called themselves atheists or agnostics; 39% identified their religion as “nothing in particular” and also said that religion is “not too” or “not at all” important in their lives; and 36% identified their religion as “nothing in particular” while nevertheless saying that religion is either “very important” or “somewhat important” in their lives. The new survey finds that the atheist and agnostic share of the “nones” has grown to 31%. Those identifying as “nothing in particular” and describing religion as unimportant in their lives continue to account for 39% of all “nones.” But the share identifying as “nothing in particular” while also affirming that religion is either “very” or “somewhat” important to them has fallen to 30% of all “nones.”
- While the mainline Protestant share of the population is significantly smaller today than it was in 2007, the evangelical Protestant share of the population has remained comparatively stable (ticking downward slightly from 26.3% to 25.4% of the population). As a result, evangelicals now constitute a clear majority (55%) of all U.S. Protestants. In 2007, roughly half of Protestants (51%) identified with evangelical churches.
- Since 2007, the share of evangelical Protestants who identify with Baptist denominations has shrunk from 41% to 36%. Meanwhile, the share of evangelicals identifying with nondenominational churches has grown from 13% to 19%.
- The United Methodist Church (UMC) continues to be the largest denomination within the mainline Protestant tradition. Currently, 25% of mainline Protestants identify with the UMC, down slightly from 28% in 2007.
- More than six-in-ten people in the historically black Protestant tradition identify with Baptist denominations, including 22% who identify with the National Baptist Convention, the largest denomination within the historically black Protestant tradition.
- The share of the public identifying with religions other than Christianity has grown from 4.7% in 2007 to 5.9% in 2014. Gains were most pronounced among Muslims (who accounted for 0.4% of respondents in the 2007 Religious Landscape Study and 0.9% in 2014) and Hindus (0.4% in 2007 vs. 0.7% in 2014).12
- Roughly one-in-seven participants in the new survey (15%) were born outside the U.S., and two-thirds of those immigrants are Christians, including 39% who are Catholic. More than one-in-ten immigrants identify with a non-Christian faith, such as Islam or Hinduism.
- Hindus and Jews continue to be the most highly educated religious traditions. Fully 77% of Hindus are college graduates, as are 59% of Jews (compared with 27% of all U.S. adults). These groups also have above-average household incomes. Fully 44% of Jews and 36% of Hindus say their annual family income exceeds $100,000, compared with 19% of the public overall.
About the 2014 U.S. Religious Landscape Study
This is the first report on findings from
the 2014 U.S. Religious Landscape Study, the centerpiece of which is a
nationally representative telephone survey of 35,071 adults. This is the
second time the Pew Research Center has conducted a Religious Landscape
Study. The first was conducted in 2007, also with a telephone survey of
more than 35,000 Americans.
The new study is designed to serve three main purposes:
- To provide a detailed account of the size of the religious groups that populate the U.S. landscape;
- To describe the demographic characteristics, religious beliefs and practices, and social and political values of those religious groups; and
- To document how the religious profile of the U.S. has changed since the first study was conducted in 2007. With more than 35,000 interviews each, both the 2007 and 2014 studies have margins of error of less than one percentage point, making it possible to identify even relatively small changes in religious groups’ share of the U.S. population.
The results of the 2014 Religious
Landscape Study will be published in a series of reports over the coming
year. This first report focuses on the changing religious composition
of the U.S. and describes the demographic characteristics of U.S.
religious groups, including their median age, racial and ethnic makeup,
nativity data, education and income levels, gender ratios, family
composition (including religious intermarriage rates) and geographic
distribution. It also summarizes patterns in religious switching.
In addition, this report includes an
appendix that compares the findings of the 2007 and 2014 Religious
Landscape Studies with several other surveys and assesses how recent
developments in American religion fit into longer-term trends. Data from
a variety of national surveys, including the long-running General
Social Survey and Gallup polls, confirm that Protestants have been
declining as a share of the U.S. population and that the unaffiliated
have been growing. But there is less of a consensus about trends in
American Catholicism. Some surveys, including the one featured in this
report, indicate that the Catholic share of the population is declining,
while others suggest it is relatively stable or may have declined and
then ticked back up in recent years. (See Appendix C.)
Other findings from the 2014 Religious
Landscape Study will be released later this year. In addition to the
written reports, the Religious Landscape Study’s findings will be
available through a new interactive tool.
The online presentation allows users to delve more deeply into the
survey’s findings, build interactive maps or charts and explore the data
most interesting to them.
Acknowledgments
Many individuals from the Pew Research
Center contributed to this report. Alan Cooperman, director of religion
research, oversaw the effort and served as the primary editor. Gregory
Smith, associate director for religion research, served as the primary
researcher and wrote the Overview and Methodology. Smith also wrote the
chapter on the changing religious composition of the U.S., the appendix
on the classification of Protestant denominations and the appendix on
putting the findings from the Religious Landscape Study into context.
The chapter on religious switching and intermarriage was written by
Research Associate Becka Alper. Research Associate Jessica Martinez and
Research Assistant Claire Gecewicz wrote the chapter on the demographic
profiles of religious groups, and Research Analyst Elizabeth Sciupac
wrote the chapter on the shifting religious identity of demographic
groups. Gecewicz prepared the detailed tables. The report was number
checked by Alper, Gecewicz, Martinez, Sciupac and Research Associate
Besheer Mohamed. The report was edited by Sandra Stencel, Michael Lipka,
Caryle Murphy and Aleksandra Sandstrom. Bill Webster created the
graphics. Stacy Rosenberg, Russell Heimlich, Diana Yoo,
Besheer Mohamed, Ben Wormald and Juan Carlos Esparza Ochoa developed
the interactive tool.
The Pew Research Center’s methods team
provided advice on the sampling plan, questionnaire design, weighting
strategy and data analysis. The methods team, led by Director of Survey
Research Scott Keeter, includes Research Methodologists Kyley McGeeney
and Andrew Mercer, Research Assistant Nicholas Hatley and graduate
student intern H. Yanna Yan.
Others at the Pew Research Center who
provided research guidance include Michael Dimock, Claudia Deane, Andy
Kohut and Conrad Hackett. Communications support was provided by
Katherine Ritchey, Stefan Cornibert, Russ Oates and Robyn Tomlin.
John C. Green, director of the Ray C.
Bliss Institute of Applied Politics at the University of Akron, served
as a senior adviser on the Religious Landscape Studies, providing
valuable advice on the survey questionnaires, categorization of
respondents and drafts of the reports. Additionally, we received helpful
comments on portions of the 2014 study from David E. Campbell,
director, Rooney Center for the Study of American Democracy, University
of Notre Dame; William D’Antonio, senior fellow, Institute for Policy
Research and Catholic Studies, The Catholic University of America; Mike
Hout, professor of sociology, New York University; and Barry Kosmin,
director, Institute for the Study of Secularism in Society and Culture,
Trinity College. We also received valuable advice from Luis Lugo, former
director of the Pew Research Center’s Religion & Public Life
project, and Paul Taylor, former executive vice president of the Pew
Research Center.
Funding for the 2014 Religious Landscape
Study comes from The Pew Charitable Trusts, which received generous
support for the project from the Lilly Endowment Inc.
While the analysis was guided by our
consultations with the advisers, the Pew Research Center is solely
responsible for the interpretation and reporting of the data.
Roadmap to the Report
The remainder of this report explores in
greater depth many of the key findings summarized in this Overview.
Chapter 1 offers a detailed look at the religious composition of the
United States and how it has changed in recent years. Chapter 2 examines
patterns in religious switching and intermarriage. Chapter 3 provides a
demographic profile of the major religious traditions in the United
States. Chapter 4 then flips the lens, looking at the religious profile
of Americans in various demographic groups. Appendix A describes the
methodology used to conduct the study. Appendix B provides details on
how Protestants were categorized into one of three major Protestant
traditions (the evangelical tradition, the mainline tradition and the
historically black Protestant tradition) based on the specific
denomination with which they identify. Appendix C compares findings from
the Religious Landscape Studies with other major religion surveys and
puts the current results into the context of longer-term trends.
- For estimates of the size of Christian populations in more than 200 countries and territories, see the Pew Research Center’s April 2015 report “The Future of World Religions: Population Growth Projections, 2010-2050.” ↩
- For more details on long-term trends in the religious composition of the U.S. and for analysis of how the Religious Landscape Study’s findings compare with other surveys, see Appendix C. ↩
- This analysis is based on current, intact marriages. It does not count marriages between spouses with different religions if those marriages ended in divorce (and thus are no longer intact). It also does not include those who may have been in a religiously mixed marriage at the time they got married if one or both spouses later switched religions and now share the same faith. If it were possible to examine religiously mixed marriages that ended in divorce, or religious switching that resulted in both spouses sharing the same faith, then the percentage of intermarriages in previous decades may have been higher than it appears from looking only at marriages that are intact today. ↩
- The adult Millennials surveyed in the Religious Landscape Study are people born between 1981 and 1996. ↩
- For more information on religion and the U.S. Census, see Appendix 3 in the 2007 Religious Landscape Study, “A Brief History of Religion and the U.S. Census.” ↩
- For a compilation of membership figures reported by various denominations, see the 2010 Religious Congregations & Membership Study, which was conducted by the Association of Statisticians of American Religious Bodies. ↩
- The estimate that there were 227 million adults in the U.S. in 2007 comes from the U.S. Census Bureau’s National Intercensal Estimates (2000-2010). The estimate that there were nearly 245 million adults in the U.S. in 2014 comes from Pew Research Center extrapolations of the U.S. Census Bureau’s estimates of the monthly postcensal resident population. ↩
- This report describes the results of the Religious Landscape Study mainly in percentage terms, and it does not include estimates of the number of people who identify with every religious group. Estimates of the size of a few of the largest groups are presented both as point estimates and with accompanying ranges that take into account each survey’s margin of error. For example, the 2014 survey finds that Christians account for 70.6% of the U.S. adult population, with a margin of error of +/- 0.6 percentage points. That is, when measured using the approach employed by this study, Christians probably account for between 70.0% of adults (70.6% minus 0.6) and 71.2% of adults (70.6% plus 0.6). Multiplying the low and high ends of this range of percentages by the number of adults in the U.S. yields an estimate that there are between 171.4 million (0.700*244.8 million) and 174.3 million (0.712*244.8 million) Christian adults in the United States as of 2014. ↩
- The estimate that the number of mainline Protestants may have declined by as few as 3 million comes from subtracting the low end of the 2007 estimate (40.1 million) from the high end of the 2014 range (37.1 million). The estimate that the number of mainline Protestants may have declined by as many as 7.3 million comes from subtracting the high end of the 2007 range (42.1 million) from the low end of the 2014 range (34.9 million). ↩
- The estimate that the number of evangelical Protestants may have grown by as many as 5 million comes from subtracting the low end of the 2007 estimate (58.6 million) from the high end of the 2014 range (63.6 million). The estimate that the number of evangelical Protestants may have remained essentially unchanged comes from subtracting the high end of the 2007 range (60.9 million) from the low end of the 2014 range (60.8 million). ↩
- The estimate that the number of Catholics may have declined by as little as 1 million comes from subtracting the low end of the 2007 estimate (53.2 million) from the high end of the 2014 range (52.2 million). ↩
- In 2007 and 2011, the Pew Research Center conducted national surveys of Muslim Americans. Those surveys were conducted in Arabic, Farsi and Urdu, as well as in English, so as to better represent the views of Muslim immigrants. Previously released population estimates based on those surveys indicated that 0.6% of adults identified as Muslims in 2007 and 0.8% of adults identified as Muslims in 2011. Surveys like the Religious Landscape Study, conducted in English and Spanish, tend to produce lower estimates of the size of certain immigrant populations than surveys conducted in more languages. In any case, both sets of estimates – those based on Muslim-specific surveys and those based on the 2007 and 2014 Religious Landscape Studies – suggest that the Muslim population in the U.S. is growing. ↩
Pagination
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