GOP senators are back behind closed doors, trying to hammer out some kind of path forward.
Nothing
public of note -- keep gauging wary senators and trying to tap into the
potential compromise agreements floating back and forth behind closed
doors. The goal is to have a deal on a new draft by Friday, get it
scored by the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office next week and
vote on it when they return from recess.
Getting a new bill done by Friday is an ambitious goal, that could very well slide, a senior GOP aide acknowledged to CNN.
The big question:
What's
going to change in three days -- or 13 days -- to make this happen?
Senators are going to have to move away from firmly, publicly held
positions if McConnell is ever going to get the 50 votes he needs to
pass this legislation. Who is going to do it first?
President
Donald Trump's role, as viewed from the Hill: "He has his role. We have
ours. There probably won't be much intersection," one senior GOP aide
said after his boss came back from a White House meeting Tuesday. The
point being: details and negotiating will be handled in house. The
President "will do social media and make big promises on TV."
Tuesday
was the second straight meeting with GOP senators (the first one was
with a smaller group a few weeks ago) where it was clear, at least to
senators in attendance, the President wasn't read in on the in-the-weeds
details and concerns of individual members, according to two people
with direct knowledge of the meeting.
Those
people described it as a good meeting -- one in which the President
mostly listened, talked about the promises made to constituents and the
need to add some money to the bill. When lawmakers and aides tick
through the White House operation, it's clear Vice President Mike Pence
is very much in the thick of it. The President's legislative team has
been in the room every step of the way. Administrator of the Centers for
Medicare and Medicaid Services Seema Verma is constantly on the phone
with GOP senators.
But the President? "He's not the details guy," the aide said. "And senators need details."
The Heller ads:
You can't overstate how infuriated GOP senators
are about ads a pro-Trump super PAC ran against fellow
Republican Sen. Dean Heller of Nevada, criticizing him for opposing the
bill. Republicans raised it behind closed doors to Pence Tuesday, and
again to Trump. McConnell (and his outside allies) raised it to several
people on the President's political orbit. The bruises from this stunt
aren't going to heal any time soon.
Profiles in courage:
Three GOP senators came out firmly opposed to draft bill
after McConnell delayed the vote and promised changes.
That makes nine total. A few others, most notably Sen. Ben Sasse of
Nebraska, broke their general silence to say they had problems with it.
What does that mean? Two things:
1.
Not unlike the four conservatives who came out immediately after the
draft was released, this was in part a negotiating tactic. If you come
out publicly against something, you're positioning yourself to try and
secure future changes.
2. It is,
say, politically advantageous to oppose something with a low
double-digit approval rating that you know leadership isn't going to
make you vote on (for now)
The
newly declared "no" votes underscore something CNN reporters been
hearing for a few days: the opposition was far deeper than was publicly
known.
So what's it all mean:
The
reality is the dynamics haven't changed. McConnell knows quite well
what each of his members wants to get to yes. Similarly, he likely knows
what they *need* to get to yes. He has money to give moderates in the
near term. He can pitch regulatory changes to the conservatives. That
wasn't enough this week. Now it's a question of how to get enough of
them into a single bill, while not completely alienating the other side
of the ideological spectrum, and somehow manage to get to 50 votes.
What they want:
Sens. Rob Portman of Ohio/Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia/Susan Collins of Maine: Opioid funding
Heller/Capito/Portman: Return Medicaid growth rate as pegged to medical inflation
More from Heller: Slower
Medicaid expansion phase out; don't allow states to strip out essential
health benefits; whatever else Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval of Nevada
says he wants or needs
Sens. Ted Cruz of Texas/Mike Lee of Utah/Rand Paul of Kentucky/Ron Johnson of Wisconsin: Allow competing insurance plans completely exempt from Obamacare regulations to be sold/more HSA flexibility
Collins/Lisa Murkowski of Alaska/Jerry Moran of Kansas: Rural hospital funding
Collins/Murkowski: Strip out plans to defund Planned Parenthood
Paul: Significant
changes to: the subsidy structure, regulations, Health Spending Account
flexibility, Medicaid expansion phaseout, etc.
A final (really) important point:
At
the center of the Republican inability to reach a compromise here are
significant, intra-party ideological differences on how to approach
health care.
The
simple fact is a large chunk of the Senate GOP conference likes the
central pieces of Obamacare, and whether for political reasons or
policy, they don't want them to go. That's an anathema to the other side
of the conference and to all the conservative outside groups.
In
other words: these aren't minor policy quibbles and stubborn fights
over parochial issues. This is about belief systems (or constituent
belief systems, reflected by their senator) on what the government's
role should be in health care. And a real question of whether that gap
can ever be bridged.
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