Opinion: Trump's terrible tariff idea
Douglas Holtz-Eakin: Trump's bad tariff idea (and better one on tax reform)
Story highlights
- Douglas Holtz-Eakin: Trump reportedly mulling a 10% tariff on imports. That would clash with growth, raise consumer prices
- Trump team floats more promising idea for "border adjustment tax" that would incentivize firms to keep jobs at home
Douglas Holtz-Eakin is the president of the American Action Forum. He is a former director of the Congressional Budget Office and former chief economist of the President's Council of Economic Advisers under President George W. Bush. He was the top economic adviser to Sen. John McCain's 2008 presidential campaign. The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author.
(CNN)Comments
from Donald Trump or his transition team tend to spur frenzied efforts
to figure out the President-elect's policy intentions. So new rumors
over his trade policies are hardly a surprise.
CNN reports
the team is "discussing a proposal" for early executive action against
foreign imports, according to multiple sources. Specifically, a
"proposal to impose tariffs as high as 10% on imports."
That
would be a step away from Trump's commitment to spur growth, wages and
jobs in the United States. While it's true that some American workers
and industries suffer from international competition, the economy as a
whole is stronger and more productive when engaged in trade.
And
the country's future prosperity demands that we reach out to the 95% of
the world's consumers who live outside our borders. Raising tariff
walls, hiding behind isolationist barriers, is a recipe for
Japanese-style stagnation.
Here's
another blunt reality. A 10% import tariff would be simply a tax that
would raise consumer prices for every American family. It would clash
directly with Trump's supposed commitment to lower taxes and grow
families' budgets.
At
the same time, according to CNN, the transition team is floating the
idea of "a border adjustment tax" on imports -- an idea proposed by
House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Kevin Brady -- as a way to spur
American manufacturing.
This is an entirely different kettle of fish.
Brady's plan isn't a trade policy at all. Today, a business producing
goods in the United States and selling them overseas faces the corporate
income tax on those exports. Under the House proposal (not current law)
imports would not be tax deductible expenses. Since the tax rate is
proposed to be 20%, this is a de facto 20% tax on imports.
Because
it would exempt US exports from tax, it would allow them to compete on a
level tax playing field in their country of destination -- both US
goods and Brazilian goods, for example, would pay Brazil's taxes.
Similarly, US goods and imports would both pay the US tax. Fair is fair, and the best products win in market competition.
Moreover,
this isn't a matter of collecting cash in every port. Under Brady's
proposal, as each firm prepares its year-end tax return, it would
exclude from the tax base all cross-border transactions. Specifically,
it would not report overseas sales revenue -- effectively exempting it
from the US tax -- or costs of imports into the United States, thereby
including the cost of imported intermediates.
This
has three virtues. First, the tax code is much simpler. A US
multinational firm engages in three types of transactions: between its
foreign affiliates and others abroad, between the domestic company and
its foreign affiliates, and between the domestic company and others in
the United States.
To
compute their tax under the House proposal, firms operating in the
United States would need only to report transactions of the last type --
domestic transactions. This limited focus also makes it easier to
verify that firms are complying with the tax code.
The
second virtue? The incentives to "game" the tax system, or hide profits
offshore, are eliminated. The tax base is unaffected by the value of
exports or the cost of imports, so there is no payoff to manipulating
"transfer prices" between domestic and overseas operations so that
reported profits are lower in the United States and higher in overseas,
lower-tax jurisdictions.
Most
importantly border adjustment removes incentives for domestic firms to
relocate production offshore. Because they will owe taxes on US sales
whether production takes place in the United States or elsewhere, and
owe no US taxes on non-US sales, they will gain no tax benefit from
shifting operations abroad.
We can
concede global production to our competitors and make it more expensive
for US families to purchase those products. Or, in the context of a
larger tax reform package, we can remove the incentives that drive
production to other countries and increase jobs, wages and US
prosperity. Interest from the Trump transition team in moving this
effort forward is a good sign.
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